《励志英语演讲稿合集14篇》
励志英语演讲稿（通用14篇）
3.励志英语演讲稿 篇1
tom is a little boy， and he is only seven years old。 once he goes to acinema。 it is the first time for him to do that。 he buys a ticket and goes in。but after two or three minutes he es out， and buys the second ticket and goes inagain。 after a few minutes he es out again and buys the third ticket。 two orthree minutes after that he es out and asks for another ticket。 but a girl askshim，“why do you buy so many tickets? how many friends do you meet?” “no， i haveno friends here， but a big woman always stops me at the door and cuts up myticket。”
汤姆是个小孩， 他才7岁。
当他去电影院的时候。那时他第一次去。他买了张票进去了。 但没过两三分钟他就出来了，然后买了第二张票又进去了。
几分钟后他又出来买了第三张票。 之后两三分钟后他又出来买票。
一个女的问她，“你为什么要买那么多票啊? 你见到了几个朋友?"
"没有， 我里面没朋友， 但是每当我进门的时候一位大的女人老把我的票给剪了"
5.励志英语演讲稿 篇2
After school, the students say goodbye to each other happily, ready to go home, I went into the village, just to oneself the home of the gate, was attracted by the door of a scene - a 60 uncle, is not tall, wearing a white coat, limped walking, the other people the way of a few seconds, will allow him to go for a few minutes, or more.
Silently I looked at him, and he walked in the park the cobbles, there are many children use the malicious look to him, he just laugh it off, "a group of lovely child!"
The next day, I still saw him walking on the stone egg road, the wind gently blowing, seemed unusually quiet. He walk, accidentally fell down. I have a look, panic nasty in the heart, calm to lifted him up quickly. He looked at me, thanks, then limped away, seems to don't want me to see his deputy.
That night, the figure appeared again: he walked old crutches, is to open the two meters high 'mailboxes. For a disabled people, turn a two meters high 'mailboxes on is not an easy thing. I took the keys in his hand, feet stand, took out a pile of paper and gave it to him.
He don't talk, his eyes filled with gratitude. He tried to put the tears back, clip the newspaper, and left. Presumably he would be in a corner crying, did not reveal any feelings in life, it is brave to face life.
In life, you to pay a small step for the disabled, in his heart is established is a kind of belief. Take care of the disabled, they need us every moment of the day.
8.励志英语演讲稿 篇3
Everyone in the process of growth will meet many troubles and setbacks, those all need people and social understanding and tolerance. Our children are more hope that teachers and parents to care for and tolerance we a lot.
In the process of growth, we could not make mistakes, can't be plain sailing. For example, we study in the school study, I believe that each student's mood is the same want to test a full marks, happily papers to mom and dad will be praised, but often it is not good, why didn't satisfied with the school the teacher will criticize, students will click, home, bowed their heads and not language been disgraced. So the pressure is more and more big, even to the point of unwilling to learn, I hope the teacher and parents don't blame children for grades at that time is not ideal, hope for children to have a tolerant heart. Always encouraged, with the mood to counselling, let your child under the sunshine, slowly grow up, don't worry, knowledge over its reverse.
I remember when I was a child learned many, have so a words: ", at the beginning of the people, goodness... teach similar sex, your reputation... child does not learn, broken machine express... teach child, the young, keep not to teach, the father of ". Can be seen from the above parents godson method and the truth, why don't we parents can go to the school to visit! Parents don't to hurt their children's self-esteem, every child has his great ideal, but needs to be long care at home, discover, cultivate, tolerance to achieve growth.
10.励志英语演讲稿 篇4
For China, still more challenges exist. How are we going to ensure a smooth transition from the planned economy to a market-based one? How to construct a legal system that is sound enough and broad enough to respond to the needs of a dynamic society? How to maintain our cultural identity in an increasingly homogeneous world? And how to define greatness in our rise as a peace-loving nation? Globalization entails questions that concern us all.
Like many young people my age in China, I want to see my country get prosperous and enjoy respect in the international community. But it seems to me that mere patriotism is not just enough. It is vitally important that we young people do more serious thinking and broaden our mind to bigger issues. There might never be easy answers to those issues such as globalization, but to take them on and give them honest thinking is the first step to be prepared for both opportunities and challenges coming our way. This is also one of the thoughts that came to me while preparing this speech.
2.励志英语演讲稿 篇5
Look With into Find Happiness
How often do you hear people say“I will be happy when…”sucha s“When I get that thing，I will be happy .”“I will be happy when I pass the exam”and“I would be happy if I had more money”.I have heard these things before and I am sure that I will hear the magain.
Many people want to believe that finding happiness is all about finding or gettings omething that they want.However，not many people have ever foundlong-termhappiness bya chieving a goal.There will always bean other thing that they want.There will always bean other exam or another dollar.
To breakth is vicious cycle，we must find our happiness somewhereelse—with inourselves.In other words，happiness is pletely an inside job.The key to finding happiness is to understand that happiness is achoice rather than the resul to fan experience.We have be engiven everything
We need to be happy.Allow yourself to choose happiness.If l few asperfect，would you behappy?Life is perfect because we create it withour
choices.Since we can create life，we can create happiness and choose how much better our lives can get!
Only when we can accept that life is perfect as it is，and that our lives are the sum total of everything that has happened up to this moment，can we accept the joy and the happiness we deserve.
11.励志英语演讲稿 篇6
有心无难事。没有什么是容易的。不要尽力而为。
我们经常听到人们说永不放弃。这可以是鼓励的话，也可以是决心的话。一个相信他们的人，无论失败多少次，都会继续努力达到自己的目标。在我看来，成功的决心是一种重要的品质。所以，我相信，我们永远不应该放弃。
一个原因是，如果我们太容易放弃，我们很少会取得任何成就。我们第一次尝试新事物失败并不罕见，所以我们不应该感到气馁，应该再试一次。另外，如果我们总是在失败时放弃，我们就不能发展新的技能，也不能像人一样成长。我们永远不应该放弃的另一个原因是，只有我们做出新的努力，我们才能从错误中吸取教训。如果我们不再试一次，我们吸取的教训就白费了。最后，我们永远不应该放弃，因为当我们努力达到目标时，我们会培养信心，这种信心可以帮助我们在生活的其他领域取得成功。
大概最伟大的坚持的例子就是亚伯拉罕·林肯。出身贫寒的林肯一生都面临失败。他输掉了八次选举，两次生意失败，精神崩溃。
他本可以退出很多次，但他没有。因为他没有。我没有辞职，他成了我国历史上最伟大的.总统之一。
林肯是冠军，他从未放弃。
简而言之，重要的是我们不要。为我们的目标努力时不要放弃。不管我们最终是否成功，我们都会学到一些东西，我们学到的东西将帮助我们成为更好、更自信的人。此外，如果我们放弃，我们就没有机会实现我们的目标，但是如果我们继续努力，总有一天我们会成功的。非常感谢！
1.励志英语演讲稿 篇7
hello everyone!it is my great pleasure to share my dream with youtoday.
my dream is to become a teacher.
you know being a teacher is a thing that is very valuable and veryinteresting.i suggest that it must be a great fun to be with children all the ifi am a teacher，i can teach my students a lot of might become stronger andcleverer because of is a very contented feeling.
china is a developing ese are not that excellent in their teachers in chinamight be very very can provide the society with a lot of successful people，andmake china a better place.
do you think that i have a good dream?i will work hard to make my dreambecome true!
thanks~
这是我很高兴能够分享我的梦想与你今天.
我的梦想是成为一名教师.
你知道作为一个教师，是一个东西，这是非常宝贵的，非常有趣.我认为它必须是一个伟大的乐趣与子女所有.如果我是一名教师，我可以教我的学生很多知识.他们可能会成为强大和聪明，因为我了.这是一个非常知足的感觉.
中国是一个发展中国家.中国人是不是优秀，在他们的智能.所以老师在中国可能非常非常重要的.他们可以提供社会了不少成功的人，使中国成为更美好的地方.
你认为我有一个很好的梦想，我将努力工作，使我的梦想变成真!
4.励志英语演讲稿 篇8
第一条：每个人对年轻都有自己的理解，年轻是一段美丽和奇迹的时期，只有在你经历了灵魂的酸甜苦辣之后，你才能真正成为一个有意义的人。年轻的时间是有限的，它可能在你的注意之下流逝，当你发现发生了什么时，总是为时已晚。抓住年轻意味着更好的时光在不久的将来等待着你，或者情况可能相反。
纵观人类历史上的这些伟人，他们都充分利用了自己的青春，做了一些对社会、对全人类有益的事情，因此，他们被后人铭记
所以，在年轻的时候做点什么吧，尽管你可能不会像这些伟人那样取得成就，尽管不是为了全世界，只是为了你自己，为了周围的人！
年轻人就像盛开的花朵，他们盛开时是如此美丽，他们让人感到快乐，但随着时间的推移，他们枯萎后，人们认为他们是丑陋的。年轻也是如此，我们年轻时充满热情，那么我们可能会随着年龄的增长而失去激情。不要让有限的时间流逝，留下任何有意义的东西。
第二部分：有人说“我们正在读一本书的第一章的第一节，这本书的页数是无限的”。我不知道这些话是谁写的，但我一直喜欢用它们来提醒自己，未来可以是我们想要的任何样子。我们都处在农民的位置上。如果我们种下好种子，我们会有好收成。如果我们什么也不种，我们什么也不会收获。
我们还年轻。“青春怎么度过？”这是一个有意义的问题。要回答这个问题，首先我要问“你对青春这个词的理解是什么？”青春不是人生的一段时间，而是一种精神状态。这不是玫瑰色的脸颊、红色的嘴唇或柔软的膝盖的问题。这是遗嘱的问题。这是生命深泉的清新。
一位诗人说：“从一粒沙子看到一个世界，从一朵野花看到一个天堂，把握在你手心里的就是无限，永恒也就消融于一个时辰。”。几天前，我有机会听了一个讲座。我在那里学到了很多东西。我想和大家分享一下。让我们伸出右手。我们可以看到三条线显示我们的爱情、事业和生活是怎样的。我的生命很短暂。你的呢？我想知道我们是否可以这样看待我们的未来。好吧，让我们握紧拳头。我们的未来在哪里？我们的爱情，事业，生活在哪里？告诉我。是的，它在我们手中。它在我们自己心中。
我们都希望未来比过去更好。但是未来会变得更好。不要因为结束而哭泣，微笑吧，为你的曾经拥有。从过去，我们知道生活是艰难的，但我们更坚强。我们已经知道，我们不能选择我们的感受，但我们可以选择如何去感受。失败并不意味着你没有，而是意味着你应该换一种方式去做。失败并不意味着你应该放弃，而是意味着你必须更加努力。
正如我在开头所说，“我们正在读一本书第一章的第一节，这本书的页数是无限的”。过去已经过去了。我们做什么都改变不了。但是未来就在眼前。相信我们给世界什么，世界也会给我们什么。从今天开始，让我们成为自己的主人，大声说出“我们是世界，我们是未来。”
第三部分：学生青春励志英语演讲，死亡飞翔我们的公务生活是一场梦，从着陆的那一刻起，我们就是即将到来的梦！同样，我们在离开这个世界的时候，也会带着自己的梦想离开。在梦的召唤下，我们逐渐长大，思想逐渐成熟，学得越来越多，懂得越来越多。
我们的梦想也越来越充实，越来越丰富。一个人不能忘记那本书的书名《白天穿山越海》；没有忘记那一段苦乐共存的'岁月；别忘了，多一点认真，多一点尊敬的导师的教导......
面对过去，我们打开自己的思想和心灵之门，沐浴在阳光中接受和倾听规劝的时候，我们放飞梦想。是实现长远愿景的基石；梦想是积蓄力量的开始；梦的世界是理性的必要条件；梦想齐家国家的前提是世界是平的。
为此，尊重伦理，教育可以明确负责，爱。我们将随时准备好......
公鸡的啼鸣冲破了黎明的寂静，唤醒了青春的梦想，老灯那盏不灭的明灯，借助一个柔弱的好打理的轻重的行囊，踏上了新的征程开始了。东方初升的太阳，留下一串串依恋故土的足迹，是情怀和放弃。再见，亲爱的土地，我们有我们的梦想，我们都需要面对新的。
命运的舵已经掌握在自己手中，走着自己的路线。相信自己，你努力了，天黑后一定是晴朗的。做时间的主人，为了每一秒，当船艰难起航，你准备好了吗？展现你的风采，创造辉煌的明天。说天空没有留下鸟儿的痕迹，但我已经过去了。是一只鹰，就要飞过天空，是一棵树，就要铸造一个时代，去飞翔的勇气，去投入的勇气，放飞你的梦想，相信你的明天会更辉煌，你的明天会更精彩。
珍惜现在，应该把握机会。
朋友们，放飞现在的梦想，让我们相聚在那一天的荣耀里。
13.励志英语演讲稿 篇9
good morning, everyone:
my name is , a lovely boy of thirteen. i’m very glad to stand here andshare my dream with you.
different people have different dreams. some people dream of being rich orfamous and others dream of staying young for long. i also have a lot of dreams.but my dream is to become a lawyer.
if i were a lawyer in the future, i would serve our country first becausefrom tv, i learn the japanese seize our country’s islands. i can’t stand it whenthey even say these islands are theirs. so, i feel strongly that i must studyhard and get back diaoyu islands by law when i grow up.
if i were a lawyer in the future, i would serve people heart and soul. iwould offer free help for people in need.
if i were a lawyer in the future, i would let people live a happier life.of course, i know it’s difficult for me to achieve my dream now, but i’ll makeit by my hard working. come on. just do it!
that’s all. thanks for all your listening!
7.励志英语演讲稿 篇10
“Once upon a time， there was a king who had a daughter as beautiful as a blooming rose. To all the suitors who came to the king's palace to ask for the hand of the princess, the old king assigned three tasks to be accomplished, each next to impossible. One day, into the king's palace came a handsome young prince..." Well, you know the rest. The three tasks may be different in different versions, but the main plot is always the same, with the prince claiming the princess's hand triumphantly.
And the ending is always the same, finishing with the line "And they live happily every after."
Why aren't we tired of something so fanciful, so unrealistic, and, I would say, so unimaginative? How can a story like that endure generations of repetition`? Because, I think, it is a typical success story. It is highly philosophical and symbolic. By implication, we see a 4-step definition of success: 1 ) a goal to be set. as represented by the beautiful princess; 2 ) challenges to be met, as represented by the three tasks; 3 ) the process of surmounting difficulties, as represented by the ordeals the youth goes through; and 4 ) the reward of success, as represented by the happy marriage.
The story not only caters to everyone's inward yearning for success, but also emphasizes the inseparability of the process and the result. The reward of success will be much amplified if the path leading towards it is treacherous, and vice versa. If a person inherits his father's millions and leads an easy life, he is not a successful person even in material terms, because there are no difficulties involved in his achieving affluence. The term "success", to be sure. will not sit still for easy definition. But as I understand it, the true meaning of success entails a combination of both the process and the satisfactory result of an endeavor. To clarify my view, let me give another analogy.
If we changed the rules of football, greatly enlarged the goal and sent away David Seaman or any other goal keeper, so that another David, namely David Beckham, could score easily, then scoring would not give him the thrill of accomplishment and the joy that it brings. If we further changed the rules by not allowing Arsenal's defenders to defend, so that Beckham needed only to lift a finger, actually a toe, to score, then there would be no game at all, because the meaning of winning would have disappeared. In accepting the challenge, in surmounting the difficulties and in enduring the hardship, success acquires its value. The sense of attainment varies in proportion to the degree of difficulties on overcomes.
The concept of success is not constant but relative because the nature of difficulty is also relative. Something you do effortlessly might pose a great difficulty for a handicapped person. In acquiring the ability to do the same as you can, he or she achieve success. That's why we greatly admire Stephen Hawking, because, though confined to a wheel chair, he has contributed greatly to the field of science.
I myself, a rather shy person by nature who easily suffer from stage fright, had to pluck up great courage to take part in a speech contest like this. I could have stayed away and had an easy time of it by not entering the university level contest.But I chose to accept the challenge and to face the difficulties. Now here I am. If I come out first, it will be a great success for me. If I come out last-I hope this will not be the case-but if I come out last, I will not call my attempt a failure, but will also celebrate it as a true success, because part of my goal is my own character training-to do more assertive, to be brave in face of difficulties. For me, it is a meaningful step forward, small as it is, in the long journey toward the final success in my life, because I have truly gained by participating.
Let us return to our handsome young prince and the 4-step definition of success. You my have noticed that the usual worldly criteria of wealth, position and fame were not mentioned as part of the story, but rather, it emphasized the process of overcoming difficulties. The ancient wisdom had already defined the meaning of success, and this is my definition, too.
Thank you.
译文:成功之我见
“很久以前，有个国王，他的女儿貌美如花。老国王向所有来求婚的男士提出了三个任务作为挑战，而每一项任务都异常艰巨，几乎不可能完成。一天，来了一位年轻英俊的王子……”好了，下面的故事你们都知道了。三项任务在不同的版本中各不相同，但关键部分的情节都如出一辙:王子成功地过关，得到了公主的芳心。而故事的结局也都一样，最后一句都写道:“从此他们幸福地生活在一起。
为什么我们对如此美妙、如此不切实际,而我要说,如此缺乏想象力的东西这么乐此不疲呢?这样的故事又如何能够经历几代人的重复?我想，因为它是典型的成功的例子。故事的思想性很强，具有代表性。通过故事带给我们的启示，我们认识到了成功定义中的四个步骤;第一，目标的设定，有如故事里美丽的公主;第二，所遇到的困难和挑战，就像三大任务;第三，克服困难的过程，故事中青年经历重重难关可以作为象征;第四，就是成功的果实，如同幸福的婚姻。
这个故事不仅迎合了人们内心深处对成功的向往，也强调了过程和结果的不可分离。如果通往成功的道路崎岖曲折，那么成功的回报必然硕果累累，反之亦然。如果一个人继承了父辈的百万家产而生活得轻松富足，那么，即使在物质上，他也不能算是个成功人士，因为，他的财富并没有经过艰难困苦而获得。确切地说，“成功”这个词，不是个静态简单的定义。在我的理解中，真正意义上的成功是奋斗的过程和经历了奋斗之后赢得的满意的结果。请让我另举一例来阐明我的见解。
如果我们试着改变足球的比赛规则，将球门放得很大，换下大卫?希曼或其他任何的守门员，这样，随便哪个“大卫”，比如说，“大卫?贝克汉姆”，就可以轻松进球，然而这样进一球却不能给他带来成功的震颤与喜悦。如果我们再改一改比赛规则，不让阿森纳队的防守来守门，那么，贝克汉姆只要动动手，其实就是抬抬脚就能进一球，那样的话、，实际上也没有什么比赛可言了，因为赢球的意义已经不存在了。在接受挑战、克服困难和经历磨难的过程中，“成功”的价值才得以丰满。取得成果的意义和所克服的.艰难的程度成正比。所谓成功的概念不是一成不变的.而昙相对而言的,因为困难的性质也是相对意义上的。
正常人不费力气做成的事对于一个残疾人来说也许相当困难。获得了同正常人一样的能力，这个残疾人就获得了成功。这便是我们为什么崇敬史蒂芬?霍金的原因—虽然行动不便，受到了轮椅的限制，他依然为科学界作出了巨大的贡献。
就我自己而言，生性羞涩，容易怯场，不得不鼓起非常大的勇气来参加此次的演讲比赛。我完全可以待在一边，不参加大学级别的比赛，而落得轻松自在。可是，我还是选择了接受这一挑战来面对困难。现在我来了，如果我能够得第一的话.这对我来说就是巨大的成功。如果，我是最后一名—我希望情况不是这样—但如果我真的是最后一名，我也不会认为这次的尝试是一次失败，反而我要把它当作一次真正的成功来庆贺，因为我一部分的目标是对自己性格的锻炼—更加坚强、勇敢地面对困难。对我来说，这标志着我在通向成功人生的漫漫征途中又向前迈进了一步，尽管是很小的一步，但是我确实通过参与真正地获得了收益。
回到我们年轻英俊的王子和对“成功”的四步骤定义上吧，您也许已经注意到了财富、地位和名誉等这些世俗的标准在故事中并未提及，相反故事强调了克服重重困难的过程。古代的智慧已经对成功的意义下了定义，这也是我的定义。
谢谢!
12.励志英语演讲稿 篇11
ladies and gentlemen.
i'm so glad you're here.
i'll be talking about life today.
life goes by so fast.
we shouldn't waste any time.
we should all lead colorful lives.
i have four golden rules.
i want to share them with you.
follow these tips and you'll have a colorful life.
first,focus on quality.
make quality your life goal.
make quality your calling card.
do your best every day.
do everything to the best of your ability.
focus on being a quality person.
opportunity will find you.
success will follow you.
you'll earn respect and have a great reputation.
second,treat people well.
love to greet them and meet them.
love to interact and be with people.
value people and relationships.
value time with friends and family.
give and share to really live.
people are the secret to hapinness.
people are the key to a colorful life.
we must always treat them right.
third,you must treat your body right,too.
you can't enjoy life without good hea lth.
being healthy leads to a colorful life.
you'll have more energy.
you'll attract more people to yourself.
you'll also add more years to your life.
everyone must exercise regularly.
everyone must eat nutritiously.
maintain good health continuously.
fourth,love deeply and have passion.
commit totally to what you love.
commit 100% to your relationships and career.
have a passion for living.
have a passion for learning.
be fearless and try new things every day.
love people with all your heart.
love learning and knowledge with all your soul.
be passionate every single day.
in conclusion,remember the four golden rules.
say these four simple words.
say,"quality,people,health and passion" every day.
try to slow down and relax.
appreciate the little things in life.
appreciate the beauty all around you.
you can have a wonderful life.
you can have a colorful life.
just follow the suggestions here today.
6.励志英语演讲稿 篇12
It is the road you take that decides your destiny but not your destiny that decides the road you take.
The question is: Are you satisfied with who you are? Are you doing what you are capable of doing? Do you get excited about what you are going to do when you get up in the morning? It is high time you asked these questions that reflect the truth about your life. More often than not we have the ability to achieve much greater things, but we get caught in the average things in life and waste our potential. Each one of us has immense ability. But most of us fail to use it. Why?
14.励志英语演讲稿 篇13
a little kid fell in love with another little kid， a school mate。 sometimesthe kids think they fall in love when they have a crush on someone else in theclass， when they?re eight or ten years old or something like that。 so theeight-year-oldkid came back home and asked his father， “father， is it expensiveto be married?” and the father said， “yes， son， it is very expensive。” so theson asked， “how much does it cost?” and the father said， “i don?t know， son。 i?mstill paying。”
有个小孩爱上了另一个小孩，对方是学校的同学。八岁或十岁左右的孩子有时会迷恋班上某个人，然后就以为自我恋爱了。因此这个八岁的小孩回家问他爸爸:「爸爸，结婚很花钱吗?」爸爸说:「是啊，儿子，十分花钱。」儿子又问:「要花多少钱呢?」爸爸说:「我不明白，儿子，我到此刻还一向在付钱啊!」
9.励志英语演讲稿 篇14
《Winston Churchill"s Iron Curtain Speech》
Winston Churchill presented his Sinews of Peace, （the Iron Curtain Speech）， at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri on March 5, 1946 .
President McCluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the President of the United States of America:
I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. The name Westminster somehow or other seems familiar to me. I feel as if I have heard of it before. Indeed now that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.
It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities--unsought but not recoiled from--the President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me however make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.
I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.
Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here and now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that the constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.
President McCluer, when American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words over-all strategic concept. There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.
To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded form two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. We al know the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to pulp.
When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called the unestimated sum of human pain. Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.
Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their over-all strategic concept and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step -- namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war. UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars -- though not, alas, in the interval between them -- I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.
I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and it would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.
It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and some Communist or neo-Facist State monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our world house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organizations.
Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people -- namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.
All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practice -- let us practice what we preach.
though I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the people, War and Tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.
Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learn fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran, There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and peace. So far I feel that we are in full agreement.
Now, while still pursing the method -- the method of realizing our over-all strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generality, and I will venture to the precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.
the United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and the Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come -- I feel eventually there will come -- the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.
There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organization? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada that I have just mentioned, and there are the relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have also our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with Russia. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a critical moment in the recent war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. In my father"s house are many mansions. Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.
I spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they have faith in each other"s purpose, hope in each other"s future and charity towards each other"s shortcomings -- to quote some good words I read here the other day -- why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why can they not share their tools and thus increase each other"s working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we should all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind of I have described, with all the strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than the cure.
A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. I have a b admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshall Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome, or should welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you. It is my duty to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone -- Greece with its immortal glories -- is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.
Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.
If no the Soviet Government tries, by separate action , to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the American and British zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts -- and facts they are -- this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.
The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the b parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wished and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, twice we have seen them drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation have occurred. Twice the United State has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter. That I feel opens a course of policy of very great importance.
In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Tito"s claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic. Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a b France. All my public life I never last faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization. These are somber facts for anyone to have recite on the morrow a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.
The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might no extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there.
I have, however, felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. I was a minister at the time of the Versailles treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very b impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or event he same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.
On the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.
From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided of falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.
Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken here and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. there never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely, ladies and gentlemen, I put it to you, surely, we must not let it happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, by reaching a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to which I have given the title, The Sinews of Peace.
Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony. Do not suppose that half a century from now you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world united in defense of our traditions, and our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no one"s land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the highroads of the future will be clear, not only for our time, but for a century to come.